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Analysis: Montes Azules: Land, Wealth, and Spin
Article written by Alex Rocklin and Rachel Wallis
One of the most striking aspects of the conflict in Chiapas is that the situations of dire poverty and oppression, against which the Zapatistas are fighting, take place in one of the states richest in natural resources in Mexico. Chiapas is rich in timber, bio-diversity, petroleum, minerals and water, which is used for both drinking water and hydroelectric dams. Yet while this natural wealth is being exploited at an alarming rate, the residents of Chiapas see almost none of the benefits. At the time of the uprising, according to the peace and justice organization SIPAZ, Chiapas was supplying more than 30% of the electricity to the country of Mexico, but more than 30% of the states residents had no access to this service. Much of these rich natural resources are located in what is called the Montes Azules Bioreserve, a region that lies at the heart of many of the conflicts here. Founded in the late 1970's the Montes Azules Biological Reserve covers a portion of the Lacandon jungle in Chiapas' eastern frontier, a region which, like many frontiers, which has been a source of hope, struggle and frustration for generations of settlers. Until the late 1950s and early 1960s, the area was mostly unsettled rainforest. Over the last five decades, however, wave after wave of settlers have moved into the area, from a number of regions. As small farmers in Chiapas and other states in Mexico have been crowded off of their lands by the expanse of cattle ranching, the government has frequently responded to their protests by offering them land in the frontier or encouraging their migration. In the 1980's the Mexican state sought to increase the settler population in the region to provide a barrier against the flood of Guatemalan refugees crossing the border to escape the death squads and oppression in their own country. In the 1990s, campesinos fleeing the conflict or paramilitaries founded settlements in the jungle. In 1972, however, responding to pressure from the international environmental movement, the government declared over 600 million hectares of land in the Lacandon jungle a protected area, and declared it patrimony of only one indigenous group in the region. This ruling displaced 46 indigenous ejidos (communal indigenous land holdings) comprising 4000 families in favor of just 66 families. Yet despite these restrictions, and often with tacit government encouragement, families continued to settle in the Lacandon jungle, unable to find land to farm anywhere else. A cycle of violence, poverty and dislocation began, as campesinos and ranchers struggled over arable land, often ending in the killing of campesino organizers by hired guards or police forces. Communities were relocated from the reserve only to move back when the services and jobs they were promised by the government as terms of their relocation never materialized. Settlers continued to move farther into the jungle as the weak soil gave out, and thousands were displaced as the government implemented huge hydroelectric projects. {mospagebreak} It is no surprise, given this cycle, that the Lacandon Jungle was one of the key areas that the Zapatistas organized, and the location of a number of Zapatista communities today. Since the uprising, the struggles over land in the region have become tenser. While the region was already militarized in the 1980's as a barrier against the Guatemalan crisis, that militarization has increased significantly in the last decade. The military base San Quintin, lodged on the edge of the reserve, houses over 3000 soldiers, and helicopter patrols are a frequent occurrence in the jungle. The Mexican government relies on an ingenious "spin" in its discourse on the Lacandon jungle and the Montes Azules Bioreserve. The "Lacandon Maya," the one indigenous group permitted to live within the Biological reserve, are referred to by the government and the press as the "last living Maya" and the "true Lacandon indigenous people." But nearly all of the indigenous groups in Chiapas are Mayan in origin. And there are no living descendants of the original inhabitants of the Lacandon jungle. The so-called Lacandon Indians are descendants of the Carib tribe who migrated to the area in the 17th century. The discourse of the Mexican government privileges the claim of one indigenous group against others, and usurps the struggle for indigenous land rights when it serves its interests. In reality all of the land of Mexico has been stolen from the indigenous peoples, and to return this small parcel of land at the expense of other indigenous claims is a paltry as it is phony. {mospagebreak} The other aspect of the government's PR campaign around Montes Azules has been a discourse of environmentalism. The Bioreserve is necessary to protect Mexico's precious natural resources from the ignorant campesinos who would destroy it, the government claims (and the press echoes). While it is true that many recent immigrants to the region have used agriculture techniques that are harmful to the forest, they are certainly not the biggest threat to the region. The Mexican government runs a logging company that "manages" the forest on behalf of the Lacandon Indians. The troops housed in the area cause extensive environmental damage, polluting the rivers and the land that their bases are on. They have also been accused by human rights organizations and community organizers of participation in the smuggling of timber and endangered species in the region. The government is also soliciting investment in huge "eco-tourism resorts" in the area, as well as international scientific research and bio-prospecting. It's not surprising, therefore, that the most prominent NGO advocating for the importance of the Montes Azules reserve is Conservation International, an "environmental" organization funded by McDonalds, Ford, Citigroup and Exxon. The struggle over Montes Azules and the Lacandon Jungle is not, however, simply a war of the words. Over the last decades, hostilities between settlers, landowners and the government have lead to violent evictions, arrests, and deaths. Just last month, on January 19th, 2004, the Zapatista community New San Rafael was violently relocated from their community, which was burned behind them. Shortly thereafter 160 campesino families were forcibly evicted from the municipality of Suchiate. According to the Mexico Solidarity Network, at least 20 people were injured and 140 people were taken into custody in the two operations. A number of other communities, particularly those that support the Zapatista movement, or oppose the government, currently face eviction. {mospagebreak} The conflict in Montes Azules is a microcosm of the larger struggles taking place in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Global South: struggles for land, autonomy and against the privatization of natural resources by international corporations. As long as the indigenous people of Chiapas are denied their claims to land, this cycle of violence will continue. Sources: Basta!: Land and the Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas, George A. Collier The two part report "La Selva Lacandona y Montes Azules Manifestación de las demandas incumplidas a los Pueblos Indígenas" published by CIEPAC, available at http://www.ciepac.org/bulletins/index03.htm Assorted articles on the Centro de Medios Independientes de Chiapas website, http://chiapas.mediosindependientes.org Mexico Solidarity Network's News Updates, available at http://www.mexicosolidarity.org/news_archive.html |
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casacollective.org ~ colectivocasa.org ~ casachapulin.org ~ chiapaspeacehouse.org
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